Brotherhood Attacks Ancient Egyptian Museum, Loots and Destroys Antiquities

Back in the summer of 2012, when Muhammad Morsi became president of Egypt, congratulatory calls to demolish the Great Pyramids—the ultimate in idol effrontery to Islamist sensibilities—began. The idea was, whereas earlier Islamic leaders did not have the necessary technology to destroy the pyramids, now that an Islamist has taken office in the modern era, which is capable of destroying the lofty monuments, he should do so and rid Egypt of the pagan aura that had long plagued it.

When I reported this, and documented the long paper-trail of Muslims, beginning with their prophet, destroying the antiquities of their non-Muslim ancestors, the apologists, including at Huffington Post and New York Times cried “hoax,” to lull the world back to sleep.

It did not even seem to matter then that smaller pharonic antiquities were being targeted and destroyed.

And now, as the Muslim Brotherhood and its supporters continue waging jihad on Egypt — with the support of the United States government — their hate and disregard for their own non-Islamic heritage most recently gave vent to an attack on the Malawi National Museum in al-Minya in Upper Egypt. While some ancient artifacts were stolen, others were intentionally damaged and defaced, demonstrating the intrinsic hostility to Egypt’s glorious past and its attempts to reclaim it by first ridding itself of the Brotherhood and their allies.

Brotherhood Again Caught on Tape Killing Supporters to Frame Military

By Raymond Ibrahim

We have already seen in the current chaos in Egypt how the Muslim Brotherhood kills its own supporters in order to demonize the Egyptian military and win popular support. For example, in the following clip aired by Al Arabiyya News, an armored vehicle appears slowly driving by a group of pro-Morsi protesters, many easily discernible with their Salafi-style beards. A shot is heard and the man nearest the passing vehicle collapses. In real time it appears that the men in the armored vehicle shot the man.

Played again in slow motion, however, it’s apparent that the man in the gilbab (long Muslim style robe) standing directly behind the murdered man to the left who collapses is actually the one who shot him; he then walks over to another man near him, gives him the weapon, and then quickly walks off the scene, as the other Brotherhood supporters rush to the slain man, blaming the military.

Now On TV has shown another obvious video clip, also taped by people from their apartment window during recent clashes in Alexandria. Around the 00:55 second mark, you’ll see a throng of Brotherhood supporters in the streets, fleeing from and shooting at the military, which is moving behind them (On TV circles some of the men shooting at the military in red circles). Then, at 1:31, at the bottom right-hand corner, one of the protesters appears randomly to shoot at his fleeing allies; because his bullet is coming from behind them, it would appear as from the military. Two seconds later, around 1:33, another man in a white cap fleeing (also bottom right-hand) can be seen shooting at a man in a pink shirt to his left. The man collapses in agony, with his shield and machete to his side. The scene is then played over again, with a red circle on the man who shoots his fellow Brotherhood supporter, in order to demonize the military, and give the Brotherhood’s propaganda wing, Al Jazeera, more lies to spin.

Morsi’s Boasts of a Pro-Brotherhood U.S. Come True

By Raymond Ibrahim on August 27, 2013

Nearly two months after Egypt’s June 30 Revolution, it is interesting to note how the final dialogue between ousted President Morsi and General Abdel Fattah al-Sisi—full of threats and vows of determination on both sides—have all come to pass, including in the very details, specifically the U.S. government’s role. On July 5, the Arabic language, Egyptian newspaper El Watan published what it said were the final words between the two Egyptian men, as transcribed by an eyewitness, before the general put the president in prison.

The relevant portions of the dialogue between Sisi and Morsi follow, interspersed with my retrospective observations where appropriate

                                             Abridged Exchange Between Morsi and Sisi

Morsi: What’s the military’s position concerning what’s going on? Is it just going to stand by watching? Shouldn’t it protect the legitimacy?

Sisi: What legitimacy? The entire army is with the will of the people, and the overwhelming majority of people, according to documented reports, don’t want you.

Morsi: My supporters are many and they won’t be silent.

Morsi’s first threat is generic and subtle. Not yet pushed to the brink, Morsi simply alludes to his “supporters,” who “are many and they won’t be silent.” No word yet as to who these supporters are or what they will do.

Sisi: The army will not allow anyone to destroy the nation, no matter what happens.

An early indicator of military resolve, one that, to this day, does not appear to have diminished.

Morsi: What if I don’t want to leave?

Sisi: The matter is settled and no longer up to you. Try to leave with your dignity and tell those whom you call supporters to go back to their homes in order to prevent bloodshed, instead of threatening the people through them.

Morsi: But this way it will be a military coup, and America won’t leave you alone.

While technically a military coup, the military was reacting to a popular revolution: tens of millions of Egyptians—many more than in the original 2011 revolution against Hosni Mubarak—took to the streets for several days demanding new elections (as many Egyptians from the very start insisted that Morsi never even won the presidential election). And nearly two month later, months of intense pressure and threats, the U.S., in Morsi’s words, certainly shows no signs that it will “leave you [Egyptian military] alone.”

Sisi: The people concern us, not America. And since you’ve started to talk this way, I’ll talk to you candidly. We have evidence to condemn you and to condemn many governmental officials of compromising Egypt’s national security. The judiciary will have its say and you will all be judged before the whole people.

Once Morsi becomes more specific about who his supporters are—the United States, a foreign entity—Sisi also becomes candid, pointing out to him that the military has evidence to condemn Morsi and his Brotherhood cabinet. In recent weeks and days, talk of this evidence has become more widespread. According to many Egyptian political activists, the Brotherhood and the Obama administration made a deal, which has seen the exchange of vast sums of money, possibly at the hands of President Obama’s half-brother, Malik Obama. Add to this the recent assertions of Tahani al-Gebali, Vice President of the Supreme Constitutional Court in Egypt: “Obama’s brother is one of the architects of investment for the international organization of the Muslim Brotherhood.” Moreover, that the U.S. government, including ambassador Anne Patterson and Senators Graham and McCain, has been pressuring Egypt to release Morsi and other key Brotherhood figures, such as multimillionaire Khairat al-Shatter—even though they are also being held in connection to incitement and terrorism against Egyptian civilians—only validates the idea that imprisoned Brotherhood leadership, when tried, may well spill the beans as to the nature of the relationship between Morsi’s ousted government and the Obama administration, hence the reason the latter is so adamant about getting them released.

[…]

Morsi: Don’t think the Brotherhood is going to stand by if I leave office. They will set the world on fire.

True, indeed. While the Brotherhood’s media wing in Qatar, also known as “Al Jazeera,” has been blasting a 24/7 media propaganda campaign dedicated to demonizing the military and garnering sympathy for the Brotherhood—often by flagrantly lying—the Brotherhood and its supporters have quite literally been “setting the world on fire,” most visibly in Egypt, where some 80 churches and other Christian institutions, not to mention government buildings, etc., have been set aflame.

Sisi: Just let them try something and you’ll see the reaction of the army. Whoever among them wants to live in peace, he’s more than welcome; otherwise, [if they try anything] we will not leave them alone. We will not single anyone out, and the Brotherhood is from the Egyptian people, so don’t try to use them as fuel for your disgusting war. If you truly love them, leave office and let them go to their homes.

Morsi: Anyway, I’m not going, and the people outside of Egypt are all with me, and my supporters are not going.

Again, Morsi indicates who his two main supporters are: “the people outside of Egypt,” that is, the United States, and “my supporters,” the Muslim Brotherhood and its many Islamist sympathizers in and out of Egypt.

[…]

Morsi: Okay, if I agree to be removed, will you allow me to travel abroad and promise not to imprison me?

Sisi: I can’t offer you any promises. It’s the justice [department] that will pass its verdict.

Morsi: Okay, if that’s the case, I’ll make it war, and we’ll see who will prevail in the end.

Sisi: Naturally the people will win.

The verdict is still out concerning the fate of Egypt. For true to Morsi’s threats, the U.S. and the Brotherhood and its allies—from church-burning thugs in Egypt’s streets, to Al Jazeera’s media manipulations—are still trying to undermine the Egyptian people’s June 30 Revolution against the corrupt, Islamist rule of the Muslim Brotherhood.

The Reality in egypt nowadays by all langauges